Friday, September 24, 2010

MTAKA CHA UVUNGUNI SHURTI UINAME.

Mgombea wa Urais kwa tiketi ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi na Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano Tanzania Mh Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete akiwa katika heka heka zake za kupata kura katika wilaya ya Makete. Hapa akizungumza na mlemavu ambaye alimpa Bajaj kwa ajili ya matumizi yake ya kujikimu. Nimeamini hakuna kazi rahisi duniani hata kama ingekuwa inakulipa vipi.

RONALD W. WALTERS: A FIGHTER AGAINST GLOBAL APARTHEID

By Horace Campbell

Brother Ronald Walters joined the ancestors on 10 September 2010. Over the past 50 years he was a scholar and activist in all areas of the global Pan-African movement. From his early years in Kansas, USA, in the movement against Jim Crow he was involved in demonstrations and sit-ins.

Walters emerged as a major international spokesperson for reparations, peace and social justice. He was at the forefront of the campaigns of the African Liberation Support Committee in the early 1970s and was a participant in the World Conference against Racism in Durban 30 years later. He wrote passionately against apartheid and worked to build a grassroots movement across Africa to oppose global apartheid.


As one of the activists behind the anti-apartheid struggles, he saw first-hand how the system responded to the activities of congressman Charles Diggs, who carried forth the anti-apartheid work from the halls of Congress. Serving as Diggs’ senior advisor, Walters sharpened the international understanding of the Rhodesian and South African apartheid regimes. He was at the base of the mobilisation of blacks to exercise their right to participate in the political system in the United States and wrote extensively on its political processes.


As one of the forces behind the Rainbow Coalition and the Jesse Jackson campaigns in 1984, and 1988, Walters wanted to carry forward the struggles for full democratic rights. While he is better known for his scholarly writings, for example, ‘Black Presidential Politics in America: A Strategic Approach’, Walters was committed to the struggles against institutionalised racism and eugenics. He elaborated on this in the book ‘White Nationalism: Black Interests, Conservative Public Policy and the Black Community’. This book can assist us in understanding the rabid racist movement that continues to try and dominate public spaces in the United States.


Walters opposed white supremacy and white nationalism and worked hard to alert students to the realities of the US state system. It was his objective to work for a new society where all humans could live in dignity. His support for the rights of oppressed peoples led him to articulate a brand of Pan-Africanism that supported the rights of oppressed blacks and indigenous peoples in all parts of the world. For instance, he supported the rights of self determination of Palestinians. His scholarship and activism are a beacon for those who want to understand the meaning of commitment. He struggled hard to break the conservative stranglehold on mainstream political scientists.


STRUGGLES IN THE ACADEMY


The biographical notes of Walters’ work tell the story of a scholar who toiled for change even as a teenager. Whether it was his activity as the president of the Youth Chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured Peoples (NAACP) or as a budding scholar, Walters had marked a path for struggle since his undergraduate days at Fisk University. His fruitful years at Fisk led him to work closely with Diggs, another Fisk graduate. His close friend and colleague James Turner underscored the long history of Walter’s involvement in the black liberation struggles. Long before the sit-ins by youths in Greensboro, North Carolina, made national and international news, Walters was organising against racism in the South. Turner, who was full of grief over the loss of his close friend and colleague, also commented on Walters’ humility.


Dr. John Johnson, a colleague of Walters’ when he taught at Syracuse University in 1969, has also spoken of his passion and work among youth on an off campus. Walters was very clear that black students on white campuses had a special responsibility and Johnson recalled Walters’ electric presentation on the question of black awareness in higher education. This was the period of the black uprisings on the Cornell and Syracuse university campuses in upstate New York.


Like Clarke, Walters worked in a tradition that fused African knowledge systems with his formal training in the Western academy. As a communicator, Walters was continuously working, traveling, speaking, advocating, fighting and proposing peace and reparations.


For those who did not know Walters it is now possible to get his view of his growth as a scholar from the
Oral History Interview with Ronald W. Walters. Conscious of the role of oratory in preserving the history and culture of Africans, Walters produced an eight-part video of the history of his life.

WALTERS’ BRAND OF PAN-AFRICANISM


Writing in the preface of his book, ‘Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora’, Walters described his early days as a student and activist. His first awareness of Pan-Africanism occurred in 1963 when, as a senior at Fisk University, he wrote an essay titled ‘The Blacks’ which won a Readers Digest national essay competition.


His book details his association with the Pan-African Movement and his work with Jimmy Garret, Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture), Amiri Baraka, Courtland Cox, Howard Fuller (Owusu Sadauki) and William Strickland. Walters also wrote of his activities in the African Heritage Studies Association (AHSA). The AHSA was the effort of those who opposed the domination of the African Studies Association (ASA) by those who served the interests of empire. Walters worked with Pan-Africanists such as James Turner, John Henrik Clarke, Ron Karenga, Leonard Jeffries, Molefi Asante and countless others.


Although he was trained in the American university system he broke with the traditions that placed scholarship in the service of oppressors. He was a founding member of the National Black Political Science Association (NBPSA), and was one of the few senior political scientists to challenge head-on the efforts to marginalise Pan-Africanism by the foundations and the gatekeepers in the academy. This was a major battle at a moment when the State Department and the foundations had mobilised to distort the true meaning of Pan-Africanism.


Prior to the Second World War scholars such as C.L.R James, George Padmore, W.E.B. Du Bois, and others linked Pan-Africanism to global anti-racist struggles. This brand of Pan-Africanism was anti-imperialist and anti-fascist. The British tolerated these Pan-Africanists during the struggles against Hitler and Mussolini but worked to undermine and co-opt this Pan-Africanism after the war. British academics entered the discussion on Pan-Africanism seeking to determine the trajectory of research, scholarship and activism on the subject. Some made the distinction between Pan-Africanism with a big ‘P’ and Pan Africanism with a small ‘p’.


Pan-Africanism in the United States was linked directly to the lived experiences of peoples of African descent, so the ruling forces in the USA worked hard to redefine the meaning of Pan-Africanism and inscribe it in the ideological battles of the Cold War. After the Second World War, leading scholars of political science such as Joseph Nye and David Apter were involved in research and writing on Pan-Africanism. Melville Herskovits established a tradition among liberals that Africans could not be serious scholars on Africa and Pan-Africanism because of their emotional attachment to Africa. Herskovits dismissed Du Bois as a propagandist and political activist, rather than a serious scholar. This ensured that liberal whites dominated the research and teaching spaces in the country’s leading universities.


Walters was entering the field of political science a generation after Du Bois when the ‘philanthropists’ and government institutions were bent on funding scholarship that would perpetuate white hegemony in the white academy. Pan-Africanism had to seek refuge in the Historically Black Colleges and Universities in order to survive the ideological onslaught of the oppressors.


Apter was writing on Ghana, Nkrumah and Pan-Africanism, while building an organisation called the American Society of African Culture. It later turned out that this organisation was heavily funded by the intelligence agencies and the foundations. Walters belonged to that group of scholars, black and white, who were opposed to the mobilisation of the social sciences for military purposes. Research by thinkers for the empire was bent on distorting the history of Pan-Africanism. Under the direction of political scientists such as Apter and John Marcum a major study, ‘Pan Africanism Reconsidered’ was published. Nye had written on Pan-Africanism and integration in East Africa at a moment when the Nkrumah project of African unity was still on the international agenda.


Walters opposed the links between the intelligence agencies and the professors of the American Political Science Association. There was a major rupture within the ASA at a meeting in Montreal in 1969. It was at this point that the AHSA was formed to bring Pan-Africanism back to its base – among those who opposed racism, colonialism and apartheid. It was in this same period in 1969 when Walters joined those black political scientists who formed the NBPSA.


After the rupture in 1969, the subject of Pan-Africanism was dropped by mainstream political scientists (although Andrew Apter followed in the footsteps of his father David when he wrote the book ‘The Pan-African Nation: Oil and the Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria’). The study of Pan-Africanism fell under the rubric of Black Studies and mainstream political scientists relegated this subject to the backburner. In this period it was unfashionable to write and speak about the global Pan-African struggles. But Walters refused to go along with this and carried his passion for justice to the centres of intellectual debate.


Research funds from the major foundations dried up. Funding from the Department of Education disappeared. There were few centres where graduate students could do doctoral research in this field. Walters directed one such centre when he served as a professor of political science at Howard University in Washington, D.C. From this base he trained a new generation of thinkers and activists to link the local to the global.


PAN AFRICANISM AND THE AFRICAN LIBERATION SUPPORT COMMITTEE (ALSC)


As a committed intellectual, Walters did not confine his work to the Howard University campus. He was one of the key thinkers behind the Congressional Black Caucus. He served as an advisor for Congressman Charles Diggs who waged a relentless battle against American support for the illegal government of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. It was while working with Diggs, Shirley Chisholm, Charles Rangel, Louis Stokes and others that the Pan-African struggles to boycott chrome from Rhodesia took the spotlight in the USA.


Walters also wrote on the apartheid bomb. His book ‘South Africa and the Bomb: Responsibility and Deterrence’ became a reference for the anti-apartheid campaign and he wrote scholarly articles and op-ed pieces about US government’s support of the oppression of blacks in Africa.


(Today, the US government is working hard to sow confusion about humanitarianism and the so-called War on Terror in Africa to disguise new efforts to militarise the continent. It has established the US Africa Command, headed by a black general who struts around Africa under the guise of supporting peace and good governance.)


Of the more than 100 scholarly articles Walters published, his most fruitful period of publication was those years when he was fighting apartheid in the USA and in Africa. At that moment, he was organically linked to the black liberation movement.


This academic work was done alongside Walters’ activism in the African Liberation Support Committee (ALSC) The ALSC represented one of the highest points of the organising for Pan-African liberation in the second part of the 20th century. The energy and spirit of the people were manifest in demonstrations, protests, books, films, and other forms of political statements on the struggles in Africa and the struggles of Africans in the Diaspora. Walters was one of those caught in this ferment with the ideological explosions from such a dynamic moment. Many ‘scholars’ did not survive to continue in the movement for liberation. Divisions over ideological lines blurred deeper divisions among those who worked for the long term needs of liberation. Walters used all the resources available to support the ALSC and was in the midst of these deliberations.


The full history of the ALSC is still to be uncovered and Walters himself provided his own insight into this period in his book ‘Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora’. This was a period when black political representatives, such as Diggs, were challenged to link the opposition to apartheid in South Africa to the apartheid conditions inside the United States. At this time, those from black political spaces dominated the news on the opposition to apartheid and colonialism. Diggs had used his position in Congress to work with the ALSC and the forces of freedom to expose US corporations that were profiting from the exploitation of black labour. So incensed were the ruling forces in the USA that they worked hard to silence Diggs and removed him from Congress.


Removing Diggs was an effort to silence the anti-apartheid forces from the centre of national organising. The system sought to humiliate not only Diggs but the entire black liberation forces in order to prop up white supremacy at home and abroad.


Throughout the 1970s Walters worked tirelessly on the political situation in Rhodesia and was one of the founders of the TransAfrica Forum. The ruling class in the USA was threatened by this activism and worked to discredit and frustrate those involved in these formations. It was in this climate that Diggs was charged with taking kickbacks in 1978.


Walters understood all of this and worked even harder to find spaces to oppose racism. In the 1980s he was a close advisor to the Jesse Jackson Campaign.


WORKING INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE POLITICAL SYSTEM TO COMBAT RACISM


While immersed in electoral politics, Walters was writing about the limitations of the same electoral process, based on the experience of blacks. He spelled out the need for multiple forms of struggle in the book ‘Freedom is Not Enough: Black Voters, Black Candidates and American Presidential Politics’. After his involvement in the established political system, Walters was writing for the younger generation to show them that the democratic facade of elections concealed greater challenges for society.


I remember in 2007 when he came up to Syracuse to speak on the Obama phenomenon, we spent hours reflecting on the need for a movement that would be clear about the need to work inside and outside the system. Walters wrote weekly columns on the need for multiple forms of struggle. He prepared us to develop the needed strategies to combat the neo-fascist forces that are now mobilising under the banner of the Tea Party. From his scholarship we understand that the Tea Party Nation is only one manifestation of the deep racism of this society. His book ‘White Nationalism and Black Interests’ outlined the institutionalised forms of racism and the dangers for black and brown peoples. It is now urgent for engaged scholar/activists to grasp the dangers of the Tea Party’s form of populism in a period of extended capitalist depression. It was for this reason that while he was on his deathbed, Walters found his voice to speak out forcefully against conservative commentator Glenn Beck’s work to manipulate the memory and meaning of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.


THE REPARATIONS MOVEMENT


Walters worked hard for the rights of the peoples of Haiti, the peoples of Brazil and for oppressed peoples all over the world. In the second half of the 20th century he worked to show that there should be no distinction between theory and practice. He served with those who campaigned for reparative justice in the United States and castigated those congressional members from the black community who retreated from the demands of the UN World Conference Against Racism. When the follow-up conference was convened in Durban in April 2009, he was again advocating and popularising its program of action.


When there were sections of the black middle class working to domesticate black politics in the service of the Democratic Party and in the service of empire, Walters worked even harder to fight for peace and justice internationally.


WALTERS’ MADE THE WORLD A BETTER PLACE


I alerted him when I started writing my book ‘Barack Obama and Twenty-First Century Politics’. He supported and encouraged me and was always full of optimism borne out of concrete experience in the struggle. I asked him to write a blurb for the book and he readily accepted sending back the words of solidarity that now grace the book. I did not to know then that he was terminally ill because he did not share his pain with us. He worked up to the last moments of his life. Ronald Walters wanted to repair the destruction of human lives. He wanted society to understand the crimes of slavery and racism. The world is a better place because he was with us.


BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS


* Horace Campbell is the author of
Barack Obama and Twenty First century Politics: A Revolutionary Moment in the USA.

Thursday, September 23, 2010

RAI YA JENERALI



Hizi Ahadi za Uongo Zinachusha, Zinadhalilisha


MAMBO yanayoweza kusababisha kuvunjika kwa amani si yale tu yanayozua ugomvi wa papo kwa papo, kama vile matusi, kejeli zilizopindukia na kadhalika, matendo ambayo kwa silika yake yanao uwezo wa kuibua ghadhabu za ghafla na kuwafanya watu warushiane mawe au mishale au wakatane mapanga. Yako pia mambo yanayoudhi hata kama hayachokozi hasira za yule anayetendewa.

Kwa mfano, kuna suala la ahadi zinazotolewa na wagombea wa kila ngazi. Kampeni hizi za mwaka huu zimejaa ahadi nyingi mno ambazo hadi sasa zinachusha. Nimekuwa nikifuatilia ahadi zinazotolewa mpaka nimechoka kuzihesabu.

Najua ziko asasi zinazofanya kazi ya kukusanya ahadi zinazotolewa na wagombea wa vyama mbali mbali, na ni matumaini yangu kwamba mwisho wa kampeni hizi hizo ahadi zitaorodheshwa na kisha tutakuwa na msingi wa kufuatilia utekelezaji wa ahadi hizo.

Upo umuhimu mkubwa katika kufuatilia ni ahadi gani zitakuwa zimetolewa na wale watakaoshinda na kushika madaraka mbali mbali. Hawa ni pamoja na mgombea atakayeibuka kama mshindi wa urais, ambaye ndiye atakuwa mkuu wa serikali itakayoundwa mwezi Novemba.

Wagombea wa urais watakaoshindwa hawatakuwa na jambo la kujibu kwa sababu hawatakuwa madarakani. Kwa mantiki hii, mshindi ndiye atakayekuwa na mzigo wa kutuonyesha ni vipi anatekeleza ahadi zote alizotoa. Waswahili husema kwamba ahadi ni deni, na wagombea mbali mbali wamekuwa wakijilimbikizia madeni lukuki.

Naamini wanafanya hivyo kwa sababu, kimsingi, wanadhani kwamba hawatatakiwa kujibu maswali yo yote kuhusu ahadi zao na utekelezaji wake. Wanadhani kwamba, kama kawaida, wakiisha kutoa ahadi wananchi walioahidiwa hawatazikumbuka, na kama wakizikumbuka hawataziulizia, na hata wakiziulizia watapewa majibu ya juu juu ambayo yatawaridhisha.

Kwa vyo vyote vile, si tabia yetu kuangalia mbali sana. Tumejenga utamaduni wa kufikiria kile kinachoonekana kinafaa leo bila kujali kesho, keshokutwa na baadaye hali itakuwaje. Ndiyo maana imekuwa haiwezekani kupanga kwa masafa marefu, na tumezama katika utamaduni wa kipuuzi wa fasta-fasta.

Hivyo, tunatoa ahadi fasta-fasta ambazo maelezo yake baada ya muda nayo yatakuwa fasta-fasta. Fasta-fasta moja iliyoniacha hoi ni ile inayosema kwamba yale yaliyoahidiwa miaka mitano iliyopita yametimizwa.

Inawezekana nina tataizo la upofu au uziwi, lakini nadhani kwamba hata kwa fasta-fasta hii ni fasta-fasta zaidi. Yumkin, yako mambo mengi yaliyofanywa, na itakuwa ni ujinga kudai kwmaba hakuna jema lililofanywa, lakini kutamka kwamba yote yaliyoahidiwa yametimizwa, ni aina moja ya utani.

Ingefaa wanasiasa wetu sasa wapunguze ahadi zao kwa sababu hata wao nadhani hawaziamini. Sisemi kwamba wasitoe ahadi kabisa; yale yanayowezekana kufanywa yanaweza kutolewa ahadi, lakini tusizidishe chumvi kiasi cha kuahidi pilau ya kuku kila siku wakati wanachohitaji wananchi labda ni ugali wao na maharage, ambavyo ni vigumu kupatikana.

Naona hata wagombea wa vyama vya upinzani nao wameingia katika mkumbo wa kutoa ahadi za aina hiyo, wakati ambapo labda wao walikuwa na nafasi nzuri ya kuwabana wagombea wa chama-tawala juu ya ahadi zilizotolewa zamani na hadi leo hazijatekelezwa. Inaelekea ugonjwa unazidi kusambaa, na kila siku iendayo kwa Mungu tutasikia mapya.

Binafsi siamini kwamba kutoa ahadi ndiyo njia ya pekee ya kufanya kampeni. Tunachohitaji ni uongozi unaoweza kutuongoza ili tujitafutie maendeleo; hatuhitaji uongozi wa “kutuletea maendeleo.” Katika kugombea urais labda tabia hii inaeleweka, kwa sababu rais anakuwa mtendaji mkuu wa serikali, na katika utamaduni wetu anaweza akaamuru mambo yakafanyika hata kama ni kinyume cha utaratibu alimradi “apeleke maendeleo” kule alikoahidi. Hata hili linatakiwa lipingwe, lakini hatujafika huko.

Lakini bado najiuliza mgombea ubunge au udiwani anayewaahidi wapiga kura wake “kuwaletea maendeleo” anatarajia kupata wapi uwezo wa kufanya hivyo? Kutoa ahadi usizoweza kuzitekeleza huku ukijua hivyo, ni ishara nyingine kwamba wanasiasa wetu wanasumbuliwa na nakisi ya haya, upungufu wa soni.

Nakisi hii inatokana na udhaifu wa jumla katika falsafa za kisiasa miongoni mwetu. Tumezalisha kundi kubwa la “wanasiasa” wanaoamini kwamba siasa ni uongo, jambo ambalo si kweli. Ingawaje ndani ya siasa kuna waongo, mabazazi na walaghai, lakini si wanasiasa wote ni waongo.

Ulaghai tunaouona katika siasa zetu hapa nchini unatokana na hali ya kweli ambayo imetufanya wengi wetu tuwe walaghai katika kila tunalofanya: Biashara zetu zamejaa wafanyabiashara feki na bidhaa feki. Elimu yetu imejaa walimu feki, mitihani feki, wahitimu feki, na vyeti feki.

Hospitali na famasia zetu zimejaa dawa feki. Sekta ya ujenzo imejaa wahandisi feki na michoro ya usanifu feki. Vivyo hivyo, na siasa zetu zimejaa wanasiasa feki wanaotoa ahadi wanazojua hawana nia ya kuzitekeleza.

Mtawala mmoja aliyepita aliwahi kusema ukweli siku moja mara baada ya kuingia madarakani kwa kutamka kwamba ilani ya chama chake iliyokuwa imemwingiza madarakani ilikuwa haitekelezeki.

Hii ilikuwa, bila shaka, ni mojawapo ya zile siku chache sana ambapo mtawala huyu alipata ujasiri wa kusema ukweli kama alivyouona.

Hata hivyo, chama chake kimeendelea kutoa ilani za aina ile ile, nazo hazitekelezeki, na hao wanaozitoa wanajua kwamba hazitekelezeki. Ni mchezo wa kuigiza ambao inaelekea unawafurahisha wananchi wanaofurika katika viwanja vya kampeni kusikiliza ahadi hizo. Hii ni burudani ya bure, na wakati mwingine inakuja pamoja na mlo, au kinywaji, au nguo za kujisitiri wasitembee uchi.

Ahadi za uongo zina madhara ya kweli kwa maana ya kuwafanya wananchi waliochoshwa na ahadi hizo, hatimaye, kukata tamaa juu ya mfumo wa kisiasa na kudharau michakato yake, na badala yake kutafuta michakato mbadala ambayo inaweza ikaleta maafa kwa jamii.

Wananchi wetu ni masikini mno; umasikini wao hauelezeki katikati ya utajiri mkubwa wa nchi yao. Wana hamu kubwa sana ya kupata maendeleo yatakayowaondolea huu umasikini ambao ni aina mojawapo ya udhalilishaji na unyanayasaji, ambao unamnyima masikini uwezo wa kuishi maisha ya staha.

Udhalilishaji huu haukubaliki hata kidogo, hasa ikizingatiwa kwamba mwakani tutaadhimisha miaka hamsini ya Uhuru.

Uchaguzi ni njia mojawapo ya kuwapa tumaini wananchi kwamba matatizo yao yametiliwa maanani, na kwamba uongozi katika ngazi zote unayaelewa matatizo hayo na kwamba uko tayari kushirikiana na wananchi kuyatatua matatizo hayo.

Wasichohitaji wananchi ni hii dhihaka ya kuwapitia kila miaka mitano kuwasimulia hekaya za mambo tunazojua hazina ukweli katika hali halisi. Inatupasa tufanye hadhari na kuhakikisha kwamba utanio huu tunaowafanyia wananchi haufikii kiwango cha kuwaudhi kiasi cha kuwafanya waseme, “sasa basi.”

Wiki ijayo nitajaribu kuangalia ni aina gani za kampeni wanasiasa wanaweza kufanya bila kulazimika kuahidi upuuzi, na taratibu wakawazoeza wananchi wasitarajie ahadi juu ya ahadi. Pia nitaangalia mambo fulani ambayo yana umuhimu mkubwa katika maisha ya taifa kuliko hizo ahadi zinazotolewa, lakini hatuwasikii wanasiasa hata wakiyagusia katika milolongo yao isiyokwisha ya ahadi.


RAIA MWEMA

Wednesday, September 22, 2010

ZADIO KONGOLO NA JB MPIANA

Pamoja na mapenzi yangu kwa Werrason wa bendi ya Wenge Musica Maison Mere. Lakini namkubali sana JB kwa tungo zake na upangiliaji mzuri wa muziki. Kibao hiki mahsusi kwa ajili ya swahiba wake Zadio Kongolo katika miondoko ya rhumba hunifanya niache shughuli zangu na kusikiliza ama kucheza kabisa hebu kifaidi mdau.


AGONY OF NYERERE'S ADOPTED SON OVER 4Bn Tsh PLOT

By Bernard James

Founding President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s adopted son is fighting the battle of his life. And should he triumph, the 46-year-old man could find himself in possession of one of the most lucrative properties in Dar es Salaam’s plush Msasani suburb, whose worth is estimated at billions of shillings.

Today, Mr Paul Kambarage Babyegeya, who still lives in Mwalimu’s Msasani residence with widow Maria Nyerere, is laying claim to the plot on which the popular New Msasani Club stands, next to the new United States Embassy.


The current market value of the 6,007 square metres of land is nearly Sh4 billion. It is registered as Block ‘F’, comprising plots 3, 4, 5 and 6, at Msasani Village. Formerly known as ‘Drive in Cinema’, it’s 250 metres from the New Bagamoyo Road. According to valuers, a square metre plot in this area is worth Sh600,000.


But standing between Mr Babyegeya’s and his big dream is businessman James Wambura, who is the proprietor of the New Msasani Club.


Mr Babyegeya, who was rescued from an orphanage in Bukoba by Mwalimu Nyerere and brought to Dar es Salaam after both his parents died in the Kagera war, is accusing Mr Wambura of colluding with other people to grab the plot from him.

But Mr Wambura has refuted the claim, stating that the matter was the subject of a court case that has since been settled.

Yesterday, one of Mwalimu Nyerere’s sons, Mr Makongoro Nyerere, told The Citizen on Saturday by
telephone that he was aware that the late President had asked that the land be allocated to Mr Babyegeya.

“What I know and can tell you for sure is that the said plot was secured on Mwalimu’s directive to enable Babyegeya earn a living. My father was very fond of him.”

Mr Makongoro Nyerere said Mr Babyegeya and the man he is now accusing were good friends when the former asked Mwalimu to help him secure the plot. He said he did not know when and why they fell out.
“I really can’t tell if Mwalimu directed that the plot be given to the two of them,” Mr Nyerere said.
Meeting Mr Babyegeya, he strikes one as a humble, rather ordinary man one would come across in the streets of Dar, but behind the façade is the story of a man Mwalimu Nyerere loved and cared for so much.

The former clerk at Government Central Store in Dar es Salaam, who has a
disability in his left hand, has renewed his nearly two decade-long struggle to repossess the land that he claims was given to him by President Nyerere in 1989.
Mr Babyegeya claims he has received death threats as a result of his persistent attempts to reclaim the plot.
Another member of Mwalimu Nyerere’s family, who asked not be named, said the late President once told off Mr Wambura at their Msasani home over the same land.
Contacted by The Citizen on Saturday, Mr Wambura said the matter was settled in court a decade ago when Mr Babyegeya first sued him.
Disputing Mr Babyegeya’s account about having been given the land by Mwalimu Nyerere, Mr Wambura said: “Under the normal procedure, the President cannot allocate plots. If he directed so, then let him show us the documents written by Mwalimu to that effect.”

According to Mr Wambura, Mr Babyegeya started complaining about the plot before Mwalimu Nyerere died in 1999.

“The court has already settled this matter. The allegations that man is levelling against me have not a grain of truth,” he said.

He also refuted claims that Mr Babyegeya was one of the founding members of the New Msasani Club. “He has never been a member. The
business at the property is run by an association, but I do not wish to reveal who the other members are.”

Last month, in what Mr Babyegeya described as his renewed push to “reclaim what is rightfully mine”, he wrote to the minister for Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development, Mr John Chilligati, seeking his intervention in the saga that has seen him hop from one government office to another for years, in vain.


Mr Babyegeya says he has not also found any solace in the courts, where he tried to represent himself, hence the appeal to the minister.

In his letter dated August 13, he says Mwalimu Nyerere allocated him the plot so he could start an income-generating venture.

The Citizen on Saturday has seen one of the documents the complainant holds as proof of his claim to the land. It is a memo dated August 1992, written by the then minister for Lands, Mr Marcel Komanya, directing the director of Urban Development, a Prof Hayume, to allocate the plot to Mr Babyegeya.


“Please assist Mr Paul Babyegeya, an adopted child of the retired President. The former President had directed that the Drive in Cinema area be preserved. Now, they (he didn’t specify who) have planted trees. What is now needed is demarcation and survey so that they can be granted permission to preserve it,” wrote the former minister, who has since died.


Mr Babyegeya says Mr Wambura later asked to join him. “He then went behind my back to register the New Msasani Club, and has since locked me out of all its activities. I have filed all the documents with the ministry,” he told Mr Chilligati.


Records in the land registry show that Jamila Maskur, Eliamen Shoo, Omari Chamwana, and Stephen Mwamkoa originally owned the disputed area, but the right of occupancy for the four plots was revoked on April 20 1989, under Section 10 (2) of the Land Ordinance. Unstated public interest was cited.


A letter from the Registrar of Titles to The Citizen on Saturday indicates that after the revocation of the right of occupancy, the plots were then allocated to New Msasani Club under certificate number 36696 of June 27, 1990.

The registrar, Ms Subira Sinda, confirmed that the certificate of the title in the name of New Msasani Club is currently mortgaged to the CRDB Bank Limited for an unspecified amount of money. The mortgage is registered under filed document No. 86364 of December 28, 1994.

THE CITIZEN

ETI TBC WAMESITISHA HILI TANGAZO

MGOMBEA WA UBUNGE KIGAMBONI AZIDI KUPETA

Akielekea kwanye mkutano huku akisindikizwa na wapambe wake
Akinadiwa na kada wa Chama cha Mapinduzi
Hapa akimwaga sera zake kwa wananchi kulingana na ilani ya Chama cha Mapinduzi

Tuesday, September 21, 2010

STRICTLY 80'S

STOP ! THE SERENGETI HIGHWAY PROJECT

Tanzania's Serengeti National Park facing 'collapse' due to highway plans


One of world's last great wildlife sanctuaries, the Serengeti National Park in Tanzania, would be destroyed by plans to build a highway through it, experts have warned.



The proposed 31-mile two-lane commercial highway would lead to the “collapse” of the largest remaining mass-migration system on Earth, biologists say.

A group of 27 biodiversity experts say the road, which slashes right across the annual migratory route taken by 1.3 million wildebeest as part of the last great mass movements of animals, would also cause "environmental disaster”.

Tanzania’s government earlier this year approved the new road linking two key towns in the country’s northwest – Arusha, near Mount Kilimanjaro, and Musoma on Lake Victoria.

The proposed road would cut a broad swathe 31 miles long through the northern part of the 5,698-square-mile National Park, close to the border with Kenya.

The alternative route invoked by the experts would be around 155 miles farther south, below the Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Tanzania's authorities are finalising design options, and it is expected that construction could start within 12 months.

But the experts, writing in a commentary published by the science journal Nature, urged the Tanzanian government halt the work and seek an alternative route that runs further south from the UN-listed haven.

In other parks, such as Canada's Banff National Park, Etosha National Park in Namibia and the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park in Botswana, fences and roads on migratory routes have triggered a collapse in the ecosystem.

"The road will cause an environmental disaster,” the experts wrote.

"Simulations suggest that if wildebeest access to the Mara river in Kenya is blocked, the population will fall to less than 300,000.

"This would lead to more grass fires, which would further diminish the quality of grazing by volatising minerals, and the ecosystem could flip into being a source of atmospheric CO2."

They added: "The proposed road could lead to the collapse of the largest remaining migratory system on Earth – a system that drives Tanzania's tourism trade and supports thousands of people," conclude the authors.

"Such a collapse would be exceedingly regrettable for a country that has consistently been a world leader in conservation."

The idea linking Tanzania's coast to Lake Victoria and Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo has been around for two decades.

But with Tanzania due to stage elections next month, the scheme has gained in priority because of increasing foreign interest in exploiting the mineral wealth of central Africa.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) has already expressed its "utmost concern" about the proposal.

The RSPB in the UK, the US-based Wildlife Conservation Society, and the Zoological Society of London are also all against the plans.

A spokesman for the Tanzanian government was unavailable for comment.

Related Articles


TELEGRAPH UK

KONA YA KARUGENDO


KERO NYINGINE NI KUSHINDWA KUPANGA VIPAUMBELE VYA TAIFA


JUMAPILI kwenye radio ya Shirika la Utangazaji la Uingereza (BBC), kulikuwa na mdahalo kati ya Mwenyekiti wa Kampeni za Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) Abdulrahman Kinana, na Mwenyekiti wa Kampeni za Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) Profesa Mwesiga Baregu.

Watu wengi walifuatilia mdahalo huo. Na kama kuna mtu anajidanganya kwamba midahalo hiyo haina maana yoyote atakuwa anaishi kwenye ulimwengu uliopitwa na wakati. Siasa zinabadilika, watu wanabadilika na nyakati zinabadilika.

Baada ya mdahalo huo sasa maongezi ya walioufuatilia ni kwamba tunahitaji midahalo mingi ya namna hii na kwamba tofauti na ulivyoendeshwa na BBC, kuna haja ya kuwaruhusu watu wakauliza maswali kwa kupiga simu.

Kwa njia hii watu wanaweza kushiriki bila woga na vitisho kama alivyofanyiwa mtoto mdogo wa kule Ukerewe, aliyeuliza swali gumu na lenye utata kwa aliyekuwa Waziri Mkuu, Edward Lowassa.

Pamoja na mapenzi ya vyama vyao, Kinana kwa upande mmoja na Profesa Baregu, upande mwingine, hawa ni watu wanaoheshimika katika Taifa letu, ni wasomi na wamelitumikia Taifa kwa muda mrefu. Nina imani wana uchungu na Taifa, wangependa tupate viongozi bora ambao wanaweza kuchochea maendeleo ya haraka: maji yakawafuata watu badala ya watu kuyafuata maji zaidi ya kilomita kumi; watu wakawa na nyumba bora na za kisasa; watu wakawa na afya bora; watoto wakasoma hadi vyuo vikuu wakawe wataalamu na wavumbuzi wa vitu mbalimbali.

Kinana na Profesa Baregu, wanafahamu yanayotendeka serikalini, wanafahamu udanganyifu na ufisadi unaofanyika; wanafahamu watu wanavyolindana kwa misingi ya urafiki, udugu, ukabila, udini na mshikamano wa kichama, wanaujua uongo na ukweli ndani ya Taifa.

Wanajua utajiri mkubwa wa Taifa, wote hawa walisoma bure wakati wa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Walipata matibabu bure – nchi bado ni ile ile, rasilimali ni zile zile; kusimama na kusema kwamba hatuwezi kutoa elimu ya bure na matibabu ya bure kwangu haiingii akilini.

Kama Mwalimu Nyerere, aliweza kwa nini sisi tushindwe? Mwalimu aliweka vipaumbele: kupambana na ujinga, maradhi na umasikini. Sisi vipaumbele vyetu ni vipi? Kununua mashangingi, kujenga majengo ya kifahari, kununua hisa kwenye makampuni, misamaha ya kodi, semina, warsha na utukufu wa uongozi?

Ushabiki wa vyama unaruhusiwa, lakini ushabiki wa kupotosha ukweli ni mbaya. Inabidi tufike mahali tumwogope Mwenyezi Mungu; pamoja na kwamba hukumu ya msema uongo iko pale pale athari ya uongo ni kubwa.

Hapana shaka kwamba mdahalo huu ulikuwa muhimu sana na ulichangia kiasi fulani kuonyesha mwelekeo wa vyama hivi viwili kwenye Uchaguzi Mkuu wa mwaka huu. Ingawa Kinana, aliponda mfumo wa kutumia mdahalo kama njia mojawapo ya wagombea kuelezea sera za vyama vyao na kuwapatia wananchi nafasi ya kuwahoji, ukweli unabaki pale pale kwamba mdahalo ni muhimu.

Inawezekana hoja ya Kinana kwamba Rais Jakaya Kikwete hana muda wa mdahalo maana ana kazi nyingi za kufanya ina ukweli, lakini, je, Rais wetu ana kazi kuliko marais wengine hata wanaoongoza mataifa makubwa kama Marekani au Uingereza ambao tumeshuhudia wakiwa kwenye midahalo?

Mbona mdahalo unaweza kuendeshwa hata Rais akiwa kwenye ndege, kwenye gari au hata kule vijijini? Nafikiri hata mdahalo wa juzi kati ya Kinana na Profesa Baregu, uliendeshwa kwa mawasiliano ya simu kila mtu akiwa kwenye sehemu yake na kuendelea na shughuli zake nyingine; kwa maana kwamba hawakukusanyika kwenye chumba kimoja cha BBC, kuendesha mdahalo.

Profesa Baregu na Kinana walielezea mambo mengi kuhusu sera za vyama vyao. Katika makala hii najadili jambo moja lililonigusa zaidi. Kinana aliponda sera ya CHADEMA ya kutoa elimu na matibabu bure. Hoja yake ikiwa kwamba ukitoa elimu na matibabu bure, hakuna kitu kingine kitakachofanyika.

Hutaweza kulipa mishahara na kuendesha shughuli nyingine za serikali na kijamii, maana bajeti yote itaishia kwenye elimu na tiba.

Mimi si mchumi, kwa maana ya kusomea taaluma ya uchumi. Ninajua kabisa hoja zangu kwenye swala hili zinaweza kupingwa vikali na wataalamu wa uchumi. Lakini kwa vile mimi niko pia kwenye mchakato huu wa kuzalisha, kuuza na kununua, nina mwanga kidogo kuweza kuogelea katika bahari ya wachumi.

Mwalimu Nyerere alitufundisha kwamba daima wachumi wanatumia lugha ngumu kuelezea mambo mepesi. Aliwafananisha na waganga wa kienyeji ambao kwa kiasi fulani wana uwezo wa kutibu aina fulani ya magonjwa kwa dawa zao, lakini ili waonekane ni muhimu katika jamii wanaongeza mbwembwe nyingi kwenye uganga wao ambazo hazina uhusiano wowote na matibabu; wanavaa mavazi ya kutisha na kutengeneza mazingira yenye vitisho ili kuvuta na kuteka hisia za wagonjwa wao.

Bila hata kusomea uchumi, mtu mwenye akili za kawaida atagundua kwamba tatizo la Tanzania, si uwezo wa kifedha bali ni kushindwa kupangilia vipaumbele vya Taifa. Kama tungeweza kupanga vipaumbele, tuna uwezo mkubwa wa kutoa elimu bure, matibabu bure na huduma nyingine za kijamii kama vile maji na umeme bure!

Wakati Kinana, anatushawishi kwamba hatuna uwezo wa kutoa elimu bure, chama chake cha CCM kinatumia bilioni 50 kwenye kampeni. Kwanini kampeni hizi ziwe muhimu kuliko kusomeshwa watoto na kuwapa matibabu ya bure? Kama tunaweza kupata bilioni 50 za kufanya kampeni, kwa nini tusipate fedha ya elimu na afya?

Rais Kikwete amekuwa Rais kwa kipindi cha miaka mitano, alikuwa waziri zaidi ya miaka 20, nchi nzima inamfahamu. Kuna ulazima gani wa kutumia mabilioni yote hayo kumpigia kampeni? Na kama CCM inakubalika kiasi cha wagombea wengine kupita bila kupingwa kwenye majimbo yao, kwa nini basi zitumike fedha zote hizo kwenye kampeni?

Kwa nini fedha hizo zisielekezwe kwenye elimu na afya? Kama Kinana anaamini Rais Kikwete, atashinda si chini ya asilimia 80 alizozipata mwaka 2005, kwa nini fedha nyingi zitumike kwenye kampeni? Hili ni tatizo la kupanga vipaumbele!

Ni mtu gani ataitembelea Tanzania wakati wa kampeni, hata kama mtu huyo anatoka kuzimuni, ataamini kwamba nchi hii ni masikini? Mabango yenyewe yanatengenezwa nje ya nchi kwa kutumia fedha za kigeni. Mbali na mabango haya ambayo yamesambaa nchi nzima; kila kijiji, kata, tarafa, wilaya na mkoa, kuna mambo mengi ambayo tungefanikiwa kuyapunguza kwa nusu, tungekuwa na uwezo mkubwa kutoa elimu bure na matibabu ya bure.

Wilaya zetu zote zina mashangingi zaidi ya mawili, kwa maana ya mkuu wa wilaya na mkurugenzi. Baadhi ya wilaya hata wakuu wa idara wana mashangingi. Tumeambiwa shangingi moja ni kwenye milioni 200.

Mashangingi haya yanahitaji mafuta, vipuri na kubadilishwa baada ya muda fulani. Wakuu wote wa mikoa na makatibu tawala wa mikoa wana mashangingi, mawaziri wote, manaibu mawaziri, makatibu wakuu na manaibu katibu wakuu, wakurugenzi nk wana mashangingi. Ni bilioni ngapi zinatumika kununulia mashangingi? Ni mabilioni mangapi yanatumika kununulia vipuri na mafuta?

Labda hapa Kinana angetusaidia. La muhimu ni lipi? Viongozi kutumia magari ya kifahari au kutoa elimu ya bure kwa watoto wetu? La muhimu ni lipi? Viongozi wetu kutumia magari ya kifahari kwenye barabara mbovu na kusababisha ununuzi wa vipuri kila kukicha au kutoa huduma ya matibabu bure kwa wananchi? Tungekuwa tunapanga vizuri vipaumbele vyetu, hawa viongozi wangetumia magari ya kawaida ambayo utunzaji wake ni gharama nafuu.

Nimetaja mfano mmoja wa magari ya kifahari, lakini ukweli ni kwamba fedha nyingi zinatumika kuendesha serikali. Mfano posho za viongozi ni kubwa zaidi ya mara mia ya mishahara yao. Hazina ingekubali kuweka wazi jambo hili, tutashangaa kugundua kwamba posho za mwaka mzima zinatosha kuziendesha shule zote za Tanzania kwa kipindi cha miezi sita.

Kwa nini tutoe misamaha ya kodi kwa makampuni ya nje badala ya kuhakikisha tunayabana makampuni haya vilivyo ili tuweze kutoa huduma za kijamii kwa watu wetu?

Tumetumia fedha nyingi kuileta timu ya mpira wa miguu ya Brazil hapa kwetu; pamoja na watu kupenda burudani na kuishabikia timu hii, kwa nini fedha hizi zisingetumika kutoa elimu bure kwa watoto wetu? Ni kiasi gani tunasimamia uuzwaji wa kahawa, pamba na mazao mengine na kuhakikisha mapato haya yanaingizwa kwenye mfuko wa Taifa. Ni kiasi gani tunasimamia mikataba ya uchimbaji wa madini na kuhakikisha pato linalopatikana linaigizwa kwenye mfuko wa Taifa?

Kinana na Profesa Baregu walikuwa wakibishania kilimo bora na kilimo kwanza. Kinana akishikilia kwamba CHADEMA imeangalizia kwa CCM, maana kilimo bora, inatokana na sera ya CCM ya Kilimo Kwanza. Tatizo ni lile lile la vipaumbele. Hatuwezi kuongelea Kilimo Kwanza kabla ya barabara kwanza.

Vijiji vyetu vingi havina barabara nzuri zinazopitika wakati wote. Bila kutengeneza barabara za kuweza kusafirisha mazao kutoka vijijini kwenda kwenye soko, Kilimo Kwanza ni mchezo wa kuigiza.

Tukumbuke pia kwamba hatuwezi kuongelea Kilimo Kwanza, kabla ya mpango kabambe wa maji kwanza. Kilimo chetu bado kinategemea mvua. Na tunashuhudia majira yanabadilika na mvua zinapungua mwaka hadi mwaka. Hivyo kabla ya kuongelea Kilimo Kwanza, tuwe na miradi ya umwagiliaji nchi nzima.

Tukumbuke kwamba, kabla ya kuongelea Kilimo Kwanza ambacho kwa kiasi kikubwa kitaendeshwa kwa trekta za kusukuma kwa mikono, ni lazima kutanguliza afya kwanza. Bila watu kuwa na afya njema, wakapata lishe nzuri hawawezi kupata nguvu za kusukuma trekta kwa saa tatu. Tutokomeze mbu kwanza ndipo tuanze kampeni ya Kilimo Kwanza!

Hivyo tatizo letu kubwa ni kupanga vipaumbele. Tunahitaji viongozi wenye uwezo huu. Taifa letu si masikini, tuna utajiri mkubwa. Tuna uwezo wa kutoa elimu, matibabu na huduma nyinginezo bure, kama tunafanikiwa kupata viongozi wenye mwelekeo wa kutambua vipaumbele vya Taifa.

Simu:
0754 633122



RAIA MWEMA-15/9/2010

Monday, September 20, 2010

MKEMIA MKUU WA SERIKALI AKUTWA AMEKUFA HOTELINI-LUSHOTO



Burhani Yakub, Lushoto


MKEMIA Mkuu wa Serikali, Ernest Mashimba amekutwa amekufa katika chumba
cha Hoteli ya Executive Lodge iliyo nje kidogo ya mji wa Lushoto mkoani hapa.

Kwa mujibu wa habari zilizopatikana mjini hapa ambazo pia zimethibitishwa na mkuu wa Wilaya ya Lushoto, Sophia Mjema, kifo hicho kilitokea usiku wa kuamkia Jumamosi kwenye hoteli hiyo ya kitalii ambayo alifikia katika safari yake mjini hapa ya kuhudhuria mahafali ya Shule ya Sekondari ya Kifungilo.

Kwenye mahafali hayo, Mashimba alikuwa akitarajiwa kuwa msoma risala mkuu kwa niaba ya wazazi.

“Hatujajua ni muda gani hasa alikufa lakini inahofiwa ni usiku baada ya
kuingia chumbani kwake kulala. Hivi ninavyozungumza uchunguzi unafanywa
na madaktari pamoja na polisi ili kujua chanzo,” alisema Mjema.

Mkuu huyo wa wilaya alisema taarifa rasmi juu ya tukio hilo itatolewa
baada ya kufanyika kwa uchunguzi, hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa kuna utata katika tukio zima.
Alisema kifo cha mkemia huyo kilibainika Jumamosi asubuhi baada

ya wahudumu wa hoteli hiyo kuingiwa na shaka kutokana na mkemia huyo kutumia muda mrefu chumbani . Wahudumu waliwasiliana na uongozi ambao uliamua
kufungua mlango wa chumba alicholala na kumkuta kitandani akiwa tayari
ameshakufa.

“Polisi walipokwenda walikuta amekufa muda mrefu sasa hatujajua ni saa
ngapi yalimkuta mauti na ni sababu gani,” alisema Mjema.

Uongozi wa shule hiyo ya Kifungilo uliifahamisha Mwananchi kuwa mgeni
rasmi katika mahafali hayo alikuwa ni mkuu wa Mkoa wa Tanga, Meja
Jenerali Said Kalembo wakayti Mashimba alipangwa kusoma risala maalumu kwa
niaba ya wazazi wenye watoto shuleni hapo.

Kwa mujibu wa maelezo ya uongozi huo ni kwamba sherehe za mahafali
zilianza kama kawaida na ilipofika zamu ya kusomwa risala ya wazazi,
iliwalazimu kumteua mzazi mwingine kuchukua nafasi yake.

Watu waliokuwepo kwenye mahafali hayo wameeleza kuwa wakati wa kuimba
nyimbo walitangaziwa juu ya kifo, tangazo ambalo lilisababisha wahitimu
kuishiwa nguvu kwa kuwa Mashimba ni baba wa mwanafunzi mwenzao.


MWANANCHI

TANZANIA AND BURUNDI LAG BEHIND AS UGANDA ADVANCES ON MGDs

Tanzania and Burundi are lagging behind their fellow East African Community member states in meeting the Millennium Development Goals.

A report prepared by a Washington think tank says the two are the region’s laggards in achieving the MDGs by 2015.

Though Tanzania has a higher score than Burundi, the document titled: Who are the MDG trailblazers? A new MDG Progress Index, expresses disappointment on the former, saying its high ratings in institutional performance has not been replicated on MDGs.

“In fact, Tanzania’s performance is below the required achievement trajectory for every indicator examined,” said one of the researchers, Ben Leo.

The indicators examined were: Poverty reduction, education, gender equality, child and maternal mortality, access to safe drinking water, undernourishment and prevalence of HIV/Aids rates.

The researchers allocated Tanzania a low progress score of 1.0, having none of the eight measured indicators above the trajectory threshold. But the country is on the right track on primary education completion and reduction of child mortality rate, having achieved almost 50 per cent of the required trajectory.

Burundi, which unlike Tanzania has suffered years of instability, was expected to have a low progress index. It was allocated a score of 0.5, having made gains only on school education.

The report was released ahead of the UN’s MDG review summit, scheduled for September 20 to 22 this month, at the UN headquarters.

The summit is also expected to determine whether more resources should be allocated in the remaining five years to help poor countries meet the targets.

Already, UN secretary general Ban Ki Moon has appointed a team to review each of the member country’s progress.

The document cites Uganda as the MDG trailblazer in the region, saying the landlocked country has made tremendous progress on the majority of indicators.

“Africa accounts for four of the 15 countries ranked as “trailblazers,” on track to reach at least half of the examined MDGs by the 2015 target year. The others are Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Ghana and Malawi,” said Leo.

The researchers from the Centre for Global Development allocated Uganda a progress index score of 5.0, having recorded four indicators above the trajectory threshold.

The four indicators are poverty reduction, ratio of girls and boys in school, low HIV/Aids prevalence rate and access to improved sources of water.

The country is also making good progress on lowering the prevalence of the under-nourished and maternal

flashad

THE EAST AFRICAN

MFANYABIASHARA AUA WATOTO KIKATILI NA KISHA KUJINYONGA MBEYA

Mfanyabiashara Rodrick Mbwilo wa jijini Mbeya amemuua kwa kumchinja mtoto na kumjeruhi mwingine kwa kisu na baadaye kujiua mwenyewe kwa kujinyonga kwa kamba ya manila.
Tukio hilo la kusikitisha lilitokea jana katika maeneo ya Itua kando ya reli ya Tanzania - Zambia (Tazara), umbali wa kilometa tatu kutoka katikati ya Jiji la Mbeya.

Mtoto aliyeuawa katika tukio hilo ametajwa kuwa ni Kalebu Andrea anayekadiriwa kuwa na umri wa miaka kati ya 5 na 7 ambaye alikuwa mwanafunzi wa chekechea katika shule ya Baby Flower Nusery.
Mtoto aliyejeruhiwa kwa kukatwa na kisu nyuma ya shingo na kuchanwa vibaya usoni, ni Joshua Andrea (4), ambaye ni mdogo wake Kalebu.
Waandishi wa gazeti hili jana walifika nyumbani kwa mfanyabiashara huyo na kushuhudia umati wa waombolezaji.

Mdogo wa mfanyabiashara huyo, Maskat Mbwilo ameliambia gazeti hili kuwa mtoto aliyeuawa pamoja na aliyejeruhiwa ni ndugu wa tumbo moja ambao ni wa shemeji yake ambaye ni mdogo wa mke wa mfanyabiashara Rodrick.

Alisema wiki moja kabla ya tukio hilo, kulikuwa na mgogoro baina ya marehemu na mkewe.
Imedaiwa kuwa mke huyo alikuwa amekwenda mahakamani ili apewe talaka, kitu ambacho anahisi kinaweza kuwa chanzo cha marehemu kuchukua uamuzi huo mzito.
Alisema kutokana na mgogoro huo, Rodrick alijaribu kujinyonga, lakini watu waliwahi kumuokoa kwa kukata shuka alilokuwa amelitumia kujitundikia kwenye kenchi la nyumba chumbani kwake.

Alisema walijaribu kuingilia kati kusuluhisha mgogoro huo, hadi wakafikia kwenda kwa wakwe wa marehemu huko Kiwira, lakini jitihada zao hazikuzaa matunda baada ya marehemu kukataa kwenda ukweni ili kutafuta suluhu.
Alisema juzi wakati yeye na ndugu wengine wakiwa wamekwenda Kiwira, marehemu aliwachukua watoto wanne na kuwapakia kwenye gari kisha akatoweka nao kusikojulikana.
Alisema miongoni mwa watoto hao, wawili walikuwa wa kwake wa kuzaa na wawili walikuwa watoto wa shemeji yake (mdogo wa mke wake).

Kwa mujibu wa Maskat, kaka yake alizungumza na baadhi ya ndugu zake kwa njia ya simu juzi saa 10 jioni, ambapo aliwaeleza kuwa ameamua kujiua kutokana na matatizo ya kifamilia yaliyokuwa yakimkabili.
Hata hivyo, aliwadanganya kuwa wakati huo alikuwa maeneo ya Kawetele, wakati yeye alikwenda eneo tofauti kabisa, hali ambayo ilisababisha shughuli ya kumtafuta kuwa ngumu.
Alisema jana hiyo walitoa taarifa Polisi na shughuli ya kumtafuta ikaanza, wakielekea huko maeneo ya Kawetele ambako hawakumpata na badala yake Polisi walipata maiti ya mtu mwingine aliyekuwa amejinyonga.

Alisema ilibidi warudi mjini na kwenda katika ofisi za mtandao wa Vodacom, kwa ajili ya kujua simu yake (Rodrick) ilikuwa ikipatikana katika maeneo gani ya Jiji.
Alisema wakiwa huko katika ofisi ya Vodacom, walielezwa kuwa simu ya marehemu wakati huo ilikuwa inapatikana maeneo ya Ihyela na ndipo walipobadili mwelekeo na kuelekea huko ambako ilipofika saa 3 usiku walifanikiwa kulipata gari la marehemu alipokuwa ameliegesha.

Alisema walipotafuta zaidi maeneo ya jirani na mahali lilipokuwa limeegeshwa gari, walifanikiwa kuupata mwili wa mtoto aliyeuawa na baadaye mtoto aliyejeruhiwa kabla ya kuingia bondeni zaidi walikofanikiwa kuupata mwili wa marehemu uking'inia juu ya mti.

Alisema wakati wakiwa huko porini, majira ya saa 12 jioni mtoto mmoja kati ya wanne walioondoka na marehemu kwenye gari, aitwaye Richard alirejea nyumbani na kuwaeleza watu kuwa baba yake alikuwa amemuua mwenzake aitwaye Kalebu.
Alisema yeye alinusurika kifo baada ya kumtoroka na kutimua mbio kurudi nyumbani, huku akimwacha baba yake akiendelea kuwaua watoto wenzake.

NIPASHE lilifanikiwa kuzungumza na mtoto wa marehemu aliyenusurika kuuawa, Lilian, ambaye pia ni mwanafunzi wa chekechea katika shule ya Babyflower, ambaye alisema alishuhudia jinsi baba yake alivyomuua mwenzake.
Alisema baba yake alimchinja Kalebu, akamkata shingo Joshua kisha akamchukua yeye na kumpeleka njiani, ambako alimweleza kuwa mama yake atamkuta hapo, kwa kuwa yeye (baba yake) alikuwa anakwenda kufa.

"Baba alianza kwa kuchinja Kalebu, nikaona anamkata shingo Joshua damu zikatoka, alipokuja kwangu hakunikata, akanichukua hadi njiani akaniambia mama atanikuta hapa eti yeye anakwenda kufa," alisema Lilian.

Alisema akiwa hapo njiani, alipita mtu mmoja mwenye baiskeli akamchukua na kumpeleka katika kituo kidogo cha Polisi cha Ilma, ambako jana asubuhi ndugu zake walifika na kumchukua.
NIPASHE lilipowasiliana na Kamanda wa Polisi wa Mkoa wa Mbeya, Advocate Nyombi alisema hana taarifa za tukio hilo na kuwa angelitolea taarifa baadaye baada ya kufuatilia au litakapofikishwa ofisini kwake.

Maskat alisema miili ya marehemu imehifadhiwa katika chumba cha maiti cha Hospitali ya Rufaa, Mbeya ambako pia mtoto Joshua alikuwa amelazwa kwa matibabu.
Jana mchana mwili wa mtoto Kalebu ulichukuliwa na ndugu zake na kupelekwa wilayani Mbozi kwa ajili ya mazishi.



CHANZO: NIPASHE JUMAPILI

CCM YAKATAA OMBI LA SITTA

CHAMA cha Mapinduzi (CCM) kimenawa mikono kuhusu ombi la mgombea ubunge wa Urambo Mashariki, Samuel Sitta la kutaka mdahalo na mgombea urais wa Chadema, Dk Willibrod Slaa kikisema hakihusiki na mgogoro baina ya wanasiasa hao.Hayo yametokea wakati mgombea urais kwa tiketi ya CCM, Jakaya Kikwete akizomewa na kikundi cha watu wanaosadikiwa ni wafuasi wa Chadema wakati akihutubia wilayani Mbulu.

Sitta, ambaye ni spika wa Bunge linalomaliza muda wake, aliiambia Mwananchi katikati ya wiki kuwa yuko tayari kufanya mdahalo na Dk Slaa kuhusu ukweli juu ya uwezekano wa kutoa elimu bure kama Chadema inavyojinadi kwenye kampeni zake.

Alitoa ombi hilo wakati CCM ikiwa imeshawaandikia wagombea wake wa ubunge na udiwani ikiwakataza kushiriki kwenye midahalo inayoendeshwa na kituo cha televisheni cha TBC1 hadi kwa maelekezo maalum.

Ombi la Sitta, ambaye alidai kuwa Dk Slaa ni saizi yake, lilionekana akama ahueni kwa chama hicho baada ya Chadema na CUF kutaka mdahalo wa wagombea urais wa vyama hivyo pamoja na CCM.

Lakini katibu mkuu wa CCM, Yusuf Makamba, ambaye aliandika waraka huo wa kuzuia wagombea CCM kushiriki kwenye midahalo, alisema jana kuwa mvutano kati ya Dk Slaa na Sitta ni ni wao binafsi na si wa chama.
"Sitta na Dk Slaa wana mambo yao wenyewe. Dk Slaa alimrushia Sitta tope, yeye akajipangusa akamrudishia," alisema Makamba.
Aliuelezea mgogoro huo hauihusu CCM kama chama na hata wakiamua kufanya mdahalo, hautaingiliana na mpango mkakati wao wa kukataza wagombea wao kushiriki midahalo na wapinzani.

Makamba alifafanua kuwa CCM imekataa midahalo kwa sababu hukusanya watu hovyo na hakuna mkakati maalumu ya kuiendesha kwa kujieleza na kukosoana kulingana na sera za vyama.


Alisema CCM haiogopi midahalo bali isingependa kuona inashiriki kwenye midahalo kwa sababu zinaweza kuibuliwa hoja zisizo na msingi kwa makusudi kukichafua chama hicho tawala.

"Tunataka mdahalo uwe wa sera. Sio unakusanya watu Kariakoo halafu anajitokeza miongoni ambaye jana alilala njaa halafu anasema jana CCM Ilitulaza njaa," alisema.

Sitta alieleza kushangazwa na ahadi ya Chadema kuwa itatoa elimu bure, akisema suala hilo haliwezekani na kwamba hakuna serikali inayoweza kuendeshwa bila ya kodi.

Kauli yake ilimfanya Dk Slaa kumjibu vikali akieleza kuwa kama serikali itaweza kudhibiti ufisadi na kukusanya kodi, elimu bure inawezekana na kwamba ndio maana Sitta na Kikwete walisoma bure.


Dk Slaa alidai kuwa katika uongozi wake, Spika Sitta alizima kashfa nzito za ufisadi, likiwemo sakata lililotikisa nchi la zabuni ya ufuaji wa umeme wa dharura iliyokwenda mikononi mwa kampuni ya Richmond Development LLC, wizi wa fedha kwenye akaunti ya EPA, ufisadi wa kampuni za Deep Green Finance na Meremeta.

Wakati huohuo, Makamba alisema jana kwamba CCM haitang'oa hovyohovyo mabango ya kumnadi mgombea wao wa urais ili kutekeleza agizo lililotolewa na Tume ya Taifa ya Uchaguzi (Nec) baada ya kuonekana yanakiuka kanuni za uchaguzi.
Badala yake, Makamba alisema kwamba wanatoa mabango maeneo yale tu ambayo Nec itasema kuwa kuna bango lenye tatizo.

Alitaja baadhi ya mabango ambayo tayari wameyang'oa kuwa ni pamoja na ambayo Rais Kikwete alikuwa amepiga picha na maaskofu.

Nec Ilikuwa Imetangaza kwamba mabango yote ambayo yanaonyesha mgombea huyo wa CCM akiwa Ikulu, ni kinyume na taratibu na yanapaswa kung'olewa mara moja.
Katika hatua nyingine, aliyekuwa mwenyekiti wa chama kilichokufa cha CCJ, Richard Kiyabo amejiunga na CCM.
Kiyabo alitangaza uamuzi huo jana mbele ya Makamba akisema ameachana na upinzani kwa sababu siyo makini bali unaeneza propaganda.

Kutoka Mbulu, habari zinasema kuwa wakati Kikwete akihutubia mkutano wake wa mwisho mjini Mbulu, kikundi hicho cha watu kilichokuwa upande wa pili wa uwanja kilikuwa kikipiga miluzi na kuzomea, ambayo ilionekana kuudhi wafuasi wa CCM.

Kutokana na kucheleewa kufika Mbulu, Kikwete alihutubia kwa dakika chache na baadaye kumtambulisha mgombea ubunge wa jimbo hilo kwa tiketi ya CCM, Phillip Marmo na baadaye kumaliza mkutano huo.
Kutoka Monduli, katika hali isiyokuwa ya kawaida waandishi wa habari waliopo kwenye msafara wa mgombea urais wa CCM, Jakaya Kikwete jana walizuiwa kuripoti habari za mgombea huyo kwenye Jimbo la Monduli ambalo linawaniwa na aliyewahi kuwa Waziri Mkuu, Edward Lowassa.

Ratiba ya jana ya mgombea huyo ambaye yupo katika ziara mkoani Arusha ilionyesha kuwa angenza mkutano wake wa kwanza Namanga na baadaye Ngaramtoni, Monduli, Mto wa Mbu na kumalizia Mbulu.

Taarifa zilizolifikia gazeti hili kutoka mkoani humo zilieleza kuwa asubuhi ya jana waandishi hao waligawanywa katika makundi mawili; baadhi wakianzia Longido na wengine Namanga.

Taarifa hizo zilieleza kuwa mara baada ya mkutano wa Longido kumalizika waandishi hao walielezwa kuwa waende moja kwa moja Mbulu na wale walioelezwa kuwa wangeanzia Namanga na kisha kwenda Monduli wakielezwa kuwa hawatakiwi kuhudhulia mkutano wa Monduli na badala yake waende moja kwa moja Mbulu.

Taarifa hizo zilieleza kuwa waandishi maalum walichaguliwa kuripoti mkutano huo ili baadaye wawape wenzao taarifa za mkutano huo.
Mjini Monduli, Lowassa alisema hakuna serikali iliyofanya maendeleo makubwa katika awamu zote zaidi ya serikali ya awamu ya nne inayoongozwa na Kikwete.
Lowassa alisema serikali hiyo imetekeleza Ilani yake katika nyanja zote, ikiwa ni pamoja na kilimo, afya, elimu na mioundombinu.

Lowassa ambaye ni mgombea wa ubunge wa jimbo hilo, ambaye alipewa nafasi ya kwanza ya kuongea mara baada ya Kikwete kutua Monduli na helkopta, alisema katika jimbo lake la Monduli serikali imetekeleza ilani kwa asilimia 99.
Mgombea huyo alisema serikali imeondoa tatizo la maji kwa kutumia mradi uliogharimiwa na Benki ya Maendeleo ya Afrika (AfDB), kujenga sekondari kila kata na sasa ipo katika hatua ya mwisho ya ujenzi ya sekondari tatu za kidato cha tano.

Naye Kikwete aliuambia mkutano huo kuwa wakazi hawana budi kummchagua Lowassa kwani anawapenda.
"Nyie mnajua Lowassa anawapenda naomba muendelee kumchagua kuwa mbunge wenu ili muendelee kupata maendeleo," alisema Kikwete.

Katika mkutano huo, Rais Kikwete aliahidi Serikali yake kulipa kifuta machozi kwa wafugaji ambao waliathirika na ukame mwaka jana.

"Tumesikia kilio chenu na ingawa hatuwezi kulipa fidia ya ng'ombe kama ng'ombe 200 wa Mzee Loiboki ambao walikufa kwa ukame, tutajitahidi walau kidogo ili kuwafuta machozi," alisema Kikwete.
Viswani Zanzibar, wakati CCM inazindua rasmi kampeni zake kwenye Viwanja vya Demokrasia mjini Unguja, bado meneja wake hajawekwa bayana.

Akizungumza na waandishi wa habari jana kwenye ofisi kuu ya CCM Kisiwandui, katibu wa kamati maalumu ya Nec –Itikadi na Uenezi, Vuai Ali Vuai alisema watamtangaza meneja kampeni katika uzinduzi wa kampeni hizo leo.
“Meneja wa kampeni atatangazwa baadaye, uzinduzi bado uzinduzi utafanyika kesho (leo) msiwe na haraka sisi tumekuja kutangaza uzinduzi wa kampeni zetu hayo mambo mengine yatajulikana huko kwenye kampeni,” alisema Vuai.

Wakati akisema hayo, imebainika kuwa mabango ya kumnadi mgombea wa urais wa Zanzibar kwa tiketi ya CCM, Dk Ali Mohammed Shein yamebainika kuwa na kasoro.

Kwenye bango lililobandikwa eneo la darajani lililo Manispaa ya Zanzibar, kuna picha ya sura ya Dk Shein, lakini maandishi yanasomeka chagua CCM, chagua Kikwete.
Lakini Vuai alisema hana taarifa hizo na wala hajaona picha hizo, lakini akasema huenda ni bahati mbaya katika uchapishaji.

“Mimi sijaziona hizo picha inawezekana ikawa ni bahati mbaya kwa kuwa walioandika nao ni binaadamu, lakini nasema kuwa tuna mabango aina mbili aina moja mabango yanayomnadi mgombea wetu Kikwete na yanayomnadi Dk Shein na tulikuwa tuna matayarisho na uzinduzi, lakini hatujazindua na hayo mlioyaona ni bahati mbaya tu.'

Alisema yamebandikwa kutokana na hamu ya wafuasi lakini kesho nakuhakikishieni mtajua kuwa leo ni siku ya uzinduzi wa CCM,” aliahidi Vuai.


MWANANCHI-18/09/2010

Friday, September 17, 2010

THE SERENGETI ROAD A LITMUS TEST FOR TANZANIAN DEMOCRACY



By Shaaban Nzori

In my email of Sept. 1st, I wrote you of my intention to comment on the controversial Serengeti Road Project which has come under heavy criticism from both inside Tanzania and abroad, read and watch photos & video here: Tanzania: Highway threatens Serengeti migration. As I wrote then, similar cases do happen even here in Russia and I would like to analyze one such case and how the public took the government to task to such an extent that the Russian President Dmitry Medveded was forced to halt implementation of the project pending further deliberations from all concerned parties, but foremost, from environmentalists who have been opposed from the beginning against the construction of the Moscow-St. Petersburg Road which would have entailed felling trees of the famous Khimki Forest thus severely damaging the environment. Such work had already begun and about 60 hectares of the 144 hectares scheduled for destruction have been cut down which defenders of the Khimki Forest say would take more than 70 years to restore – read here. Read more about the Khimki Forest spat here.

The Serengeti Road Project and the Tanzanian government’s bellicose attitude towards alternative options on its implementation have been a topic of wide expert and public discussion for quite some time now. What is even more appalling is the recent announcement by President Jakaya Kikwete that "the Serengeti road will go ahead", a position considered by many environmentally-conscious people to be a hard slap in the face of the legacy left by founding father Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, who had immediately prior to Independence in his Arusha Manifesto vowed to protect the Serengeti and recognized its importance as a world heritage, belonging to all of mankind. As Wolfang H. Thome correctly writes in his quite passionate article - “TANZANIAN POLITICAL ESTABLISHMENT TRAMPLES ON NYERERE LEGACY” - it is also a stark departure from not only these, but other "teachings" of Nyerere, too, whom Kikwete has often described as his political mentor and inspiration.

Plans to build the hugely controversial highway across the sprawling wilderness, home of the one of the last of the world’s great herds of migrating wildlife, have repeatedly been defeated in the past, but industrial mining interests, allegedly combined with huge campaign donations, are hard at work to succeed this time around. And by the way, this is not the first time in Tanzania when the government has neglected, I would even dare say, totally defied or disregarded people’s opinion on how the society gets involved in discussing the fate of the health of its citizens and the consequences on the environment from projects the government has decided to implement. May I say that this is not a problem of the current leadership alone since even Mwalimu Nyerere had this habit during his time. I would like to remind you of what Mwalimu’s Nyerere’s government did, which I find utterly abhorring and criminal, when building the Fertilizer Factory in Tanga in the 1970s at a site near the sea which was considered to be, and indeed it was, quite pristine and clean from an ecological point of view. He not only built the factory, but a jetty as well where ships bringing raw materials to the factory, mainly phosphate and sulphur, could be moored and anchored directly at the jetty from where these dangerous raw materials poured into the sea while unloading, severely damaging, in fact, outright killing all living organisms (both flora & fauna) in that very clean part of the sea where people usually went in the evenings as well as during weekends to rest with their families and friends. I personally remember going with my brothers to this area accompanied by our grandfather almost every Sunday to enjoy the sea view and breeze as well as sip soda and eat ice cream and snacks there. The fertilizer facilities not only damaged the sea and its contents, but the fertilizer factory itself pumped out, uncontrollably, a lot of dangerous gases into the atmosphere polluting the whole Tanga City especially the area around the factory itself and the Bombo Hospital with sulphur dioxide causing severe health problems to those inhaling this poisonous gas. I remember myself lying at the mentioned hospital in 1972 and coughing continuously during my stay there, a situation experienced by all the patients admitted at that time but more seriously by the elderly. No one paid any compensation to any of those affected and even when the factory closed down, I don’t remember hearing of any compensation made nor the rehabilitation and cleaning of the affected area by the owners of the factory or the government. This was made possible by the politically non-participatory an d one-party (undemocratic, dictatorial) nature of the country’s politics then, a similar situation I strongly criticized when Russia was engulfed with severe draught, fires and smog this last summer (read email below) and my arguments then explaining the cause of the fires and calamities in Russia being not mainly due to natural reasons as most people thought, but foremost, due to the faulty political set-up of the country and the undemocratic and authoritarian nature of the Russian political system which does not allow for public scrutiny and questioning of its leaders and govt. on major policy and government decisions which affect the wider masses. A similar situation existed in Tanzania during Mwalimu’s times and the case with the Fertilizer Factory narrated above is a true testament to this. Unfortunately, with the Serengeti Road saga, it seems the situation remains unchanged to this day.

A similar situation exists vis a vis the Cement Factory at Pongwe near Tanga, at least this was my impression many years ago when I passed near the area where I saw a lot of dust covering the stone-covered area which used to look quite beautiful with its stone-dotted landscape of green vegetation extending to the horizon. I wonder whether the factory has up-graded its cleaning and filtering system/s to catch most of the dust being emitted, a dust which not only serves as an eye-sore but also as a serious agent of contamination and pollution with severe ramifications on the health of our people. If not, the government should confront the factory to rectify this malady and offer fair compensation to those affected, this is apart from cleaning-up the area.

But mistakes on policy decisions negatively affecting the environment and aggravating the ecological situation in Tanzania did not exist only or end with Mwalimu. They continued even after him and were especially rampant during Benjamin Mkapa’s era and the current presidency of Jakaya Kikwete mainly due to poor, even lax oversight of large-scale gold mining operations. A case in point is the poisoning of Tigithe River by Barrick’s gold mining project in North Mara (watch devastating photos here: Read about it here, here and also a wealth of other articles on this subject here. I wrote extensively about this case in the past several years and specifically expounded on the matter in the Letters to President Kikwete and Judge Bomani, respectively, and in Letter to Prof. Shivji last February. I believe the current case with the Serengeti Road has to be approached with a degree of urgency and seriousness which lacked during previous times which brought those severe damages to our environment and the health of our mostly poor people. I think the government needs to heed to people’s calls for a serious discussion of the project with involvement of a wider pool of experts including independent ones from both within the country and abroad, with the express intention of finding a better solution and option for the road, which we all accept as to be necessary, anyway. We should not sacrifice for our health and damage to the environment and disturbing the ecological balance of our nature for any material or financial benefits promised by whomever. These aspects of our lives and nature are supreme and cannot be exchanged for any supposed material or financial benefits. The case of the Khimki Forest and the recent fires and smog in Russia (read articles in appendix attached herewith), the damage to people’s health and environment suffered, the loss of food harvests this year which may lead to shortages of foodstuffs now appearing in Russia with prices of essential foodstuffs already skyrocketing are all a result of poor government policies and non-participatory nature of the Russian political system which does not put for discussion important decisions affecting the health and well-being of the people and ensuring safety of the environment prior to carrying out the planned projects. Tanzania needs to learn from this example and approach the Serengeti Road project having in mind this negative Russian example as well as our own ones of Tanga Fertilizer & Cement Factories and the North Mara Tigithe River pollution mentioned above.

Best regards,

Shaaban

Moscow, Russia

TUKEMEE UFEDHULI



“Niguse bahati mbaya; nikuumize makusudi,” Imam Abbas kwenye wimbo wake ‘Bila Sanaa.’ Wanadamu wenzangu, mbona utu umetukimbia?

Kelele za “mwizi, mwizi!” zinapopigwa, unyama na ukatili usio wa kawaida huamshwa ndani ya roho za baadhi yetu. Huu ni ukweli usiopingika kutokana na maovu tunayowatendea binadamu wenzetu, wanaoitwa wezi. Tunawapiga na hata kuwachoma moto bila kujua kama wana hatia au la; kama wameiba fedha za umma au wamekwepua tu cheni bandia. Kuendelea kwa matendo haya ya kinyama, kikatili na kutisha, ni kosa letu wote. Na ni lazima tugawane lawama sisi sote kama wanajamii.

Inatubidi tujiulize: Huu ukatili uliojengeka na kuwa sehemu ya utamaduni umetoka wapi? Ni kwanini bado tunakubali uendelee katika jamii yetu?

Hoja za majibu hayo ni nyingi, lakini pia nyingi ni za kijinga na kipumbavu, tena hutoka kwa watu wanaojidai kuwa na akili timamu — kumbe ni makunyata tu! Hili suala la kuongezeka kwa hali ngumu ya maisha, huja na ongezeko la hasira, ngeni, hasa pale mtu anapoibiwa kile alichokihangaikia kwa jasho na damu yake, tena kihalali. Hilo linaeleweka, lakini halitoi idhini kwa mwananchi kujichukulia sheria mkononi. Watu wote wanaojichukulia sheria mkononi, wao pia wamevunja sheria sawa sawa na yule muhalifu wanayempiga. Tena uhalifu wao ni mkubwa zaidi kwasababu wao wameua! Wameiba uhai wa mtu ambae aliiba simu, ambayo inayoweza kununuliwa tena. Inaonekana ukatili ukitupanda, basi unatupanda kweli na tunatupa pembeni mawazo na maamuzi ya busara, na kuanza kumcheka nyani na makalio yake bila kujua kuwa yetu ni mekundu pia. Tena yetu ni mekundu zaidi kwani yanatiririka damu ya huyo tunayempiga na kumchoma moto.

Lakini, je, ni sahihi ‘kutetea’ ukatili wa baadhi yetu na kudai unatokana na ukata wa maisha na umasikini unaotusumbua? Labda hasira na misongo yetu binafsi huishia kutolewa kupitia ukatili kwa tunayemtendea unyama mtu anayeiitwa mwizi. Hapa ndipo ninaanza kuona umuhimu wa madaktari wa kisaikolojia, au therapists. Baadhi yetu, ambao ni wehu na wakatili kupindukia, tunadhani kumpiga mwizi itapunguza kuchanganyikiwa au misongo ya maisha yetu. Kwani, kumbonda binadamu mwingine na jiwe kichwani ni kama therapy session… tiba mbadala.

Sasa ujuha na ukatili ndipo hapo huingiliana kwasababu kuna watu – tena tunaishi nao majumbani mwetu, tunafanya nao kazi, tunasalimiana nao mitaani, na hata kwenda kusali au kuswali pamoja – wanadiriki kutetea ukatili huu. Hoja zao za kikatili na kipuuzi hudai kuwa, kuwauwa wezi ni fundisho kwa wengine; tatizo la uhalifu litapungua.

Nasema fikra hizi ni za kikatili, kipumbavu na kipuuzi! Na watu wenye mawazo haya tuwaogope zaidi ya ukoma!

Kwasababu ifuatayo: Hali halisi ni hivi, hata tukiwachapa na kuwachoma moto vibaka kwa kasi mpya, nguvu mpya na ari mpya, kamwe hawatapungua. Hii ni kwasababu, mwisho wa siku, tumbo lenye njaa litakoroma tu; njaa itauma, na binadamu huna budi kukubali kulitumikia vile uwezavyo. Utake usitake. Na jinsi ajira zilivyokuwa finyu, kwa waliosoma na ambao hawakubahatika au kupata nafasi ya kusoma, hawawezi kuacha kuiba mpaka wapewe maisha mbadala. Sisemi kwamba kama hujasoma na huna kazi basi uibe. Hapana! Lakini ndio hali halisi ya vibaka wengi. Jambo la msingi hapa ni kwamba, kujaribu mabadiliko ya mazingira hubadilisha tabia za watu; kwani hata siku moja mkulima wa mahindi havuni mihogo.

Upande wa pili wa sarafu ni hivi vyombo vyetu vya habari. Waandishi wa habari wanazidi kutuangusha katika kupinga huu ukatili. Vyombo vya habari vimekuwa vikichochea badala ya kukemea, na hata wale ambao wanakemea, wanafanya hivyo kinafiki! Sio wote, ila kuna wale ambao wanakemea huku wakitumia lugha ya uchochezi.

Vyombo vya habari vina nafasi nyeti sana katika jamii, kama tulivyoona katika mauaji ya halaiki Rwanda mwaka 1994. Vyombo hivi vilitumika kujaza watu uhasama na kuchochea mauaji, huku wakiita upande mmoja “mende.” Hiyo ilisaidia kufanya upande huo kuonekana sio binadamu tena, hivyo thamani yao kupotea na utu wao kuyeyuka. Matokeo yake tunayatambua vizuri.

Kwani, si ni vigumu kumuua kuku? Ujue, pindi utakapomuona binadamu mwenzako kama kiumbe tofauti na binadamu, basi kumuua inakuwa sio vigumu tena! Leo hii vyombo vya habari wanadiriki kutumia lugha kama mwizi “akibanikwa.”

Hebu tuangalie matumizi ya lugha hapo. Kuku hubanikwa, mbavu za mbuzi hubanikwa, hao wote ni wanyama! Lakini utumiapo neno hilo kwa binadamu mwenzako, ina maana umemvua utu wake. Thamani ya uhai wake haizidi ya mnyama mwingine yoyote tunayemchinja kama kitoweo. Hivyo, pamoja na kuwa tunaweza tukawa tunapinga mauaji hayo, lakini matumizi ya lugha yetu yanahamasisha na kuchochea.

Halafu vyombo vingi hupenda kutumia maneno “wananchi wenye hasira kali.”

Kuna chembe za kuhalalisha dhana ya ukatili. Eti kwasababu walikuwa na hasira, na tena ni haki yao kuwa na hasira… Huu ni ujinga mtupu ulio tukuka! Kwani mara nyingi hao wananchi wenye ‘hasira kali’ ukiangalia picha kwa ukaribu, utagundua wengi wao wana nyuso za kushangilia, kuchekelea na kushabikia. Hivyo hiyo dhana ya kuwa na hasira ni potofu.

Vyombo vya habari na waandishi wamekuwa wakipotosha jamii kwa kuchapisha na kuongelea mambo ya uongo. Hapo hapo, vikizidi kuwachochea wakatili hawa badala ya kukemea moja kwa moja kwa lugha sahihi — kali. Hivi kwani, tukiwaita wananchi hao wakatili, wauaji, kuwapiga picha na kuwaanika mbele ya jamii, si litakuwa jambo la busara? Mbona wezi wa mali ya umma, mapapa wa nchi hii, tunawaita mafisadi? Kwanini wao tusiwaite wajasiriamali?

Inabidi baadhi ya vyombo vya habari viache unafiki na ushabiki. Mimi na wewe hatuna budi kupinga na kukumea vikali unyama huu! Na kuacha kuwaita hao wauaji ‘wananchi wenye hasira kali’, kwani (nadhani) tunawapa kichwa kwa uwenda wazimu wao.

Tuwapige picha, na tuanze kuwatafuta. Tukianza na huyu aliyebeba tofali na huyu anayemvisha tairi mwizi!

Jeshi la polisi nalo libebeshwe lawama kwa kushindwa kukomesha huu unyama. Tabia ya kuwaachia wahalifu kutokana na sababu wanazozijua wao wenyewe linachangia ukatili huu kuendelea. Wakuu wa Jeshi la Polisi nawashangaa kwani hawaoni aibu kwa kufanyiwa kazi yao na wananchi. Kwani hii imekuwa hadithi ya mkia kuongoza kichwa? Jeshi la Polisi liwatie nguvuni wahalifu na mkondo wa sheria uchukue nafasi yake. Pia, iwatie nguvuni wananchi wanaoshiriki katika haya mauaji ya kutisha. Hata kama atakamatwa mmoja, huo ndio utakuwa mwanzo. Jeshi likikaa na kushangalia haya mauaji, na sisi raia wa kawaida tufanyeje? Mheshimiwa IGP Mwema, hili ni tatizo ambalo nadhani linahitaji suluhisho, au haya maradhi yatazidi kuendelea kwenye jamii, na kidonda kuishia kuwa ndugu.

Mimi ninaamini kunaweza patikana njia mbadala ya kuadhibu wahalifu tunanapowakamata mitaani. Kwanini tusifanye kama nchi nyingine, mwizi akikamatwa, achapwe mijeledi kadhaa, kisha apelekwe polisi? Hili linaweza kusimamiwa na balozi wa nyumba kumi kumi wa mtaa aliokamatiwa mwizi huyo, au hata kiongozi yoyote wa mtaa huo. Lakini utekelezaji wa adhabu hii utafanywa ndani ya vipengele vya sheria na si kienyejienyeji tu.

Hoja ya pili ni hii ya kukata viungo pindi mwizi akamatwapo. Hilo lisipewa hata nafasi, kwani haliwezi kuwa adhabu mbadala. Najua baadhi yetu hapa ambao wanadhani hilo ni jambo la maana katika kukomesha wahalifu. Hilo ni jambo la kikatili sana, kwani ukishamkata mtu mkono umezidi kumrudisha nyuma kimaisha. Kivipi? Wezi wengi ambao tunawakamata mitaani ni watu ambao hufanya kazi za kutumia nguvu “blue collar jobs,” kama zikipatikana. Hivyo basi, pale tunapoamua kumkata mkono, tunamfanya ashindwe kuweza kujitegemea. Kazi gani atapata akishakuwa na mkono mmoja, na hana elimu? Hivi kweli atapata kazi ya kubeba mizigo Kariakoo, au ataishia kuwa omba-omba, halafu aanze kufukuzana na wana-mgambo? Hilo la kukomeshana kwa kukatana viungo halina mantiki, tena ni ukatili mwingine ambao utaongezea watu shida za kimaisha badala ya kuwasaidia.

Kuna mambo mengi sana ambayo yanaweza kufaidisha Taifa letu pindi wezi wanapopatikana na kufungwa jela. Tanzania ina ardhi kubwa tu, kwanini wasilimishwe? Au hata kwenda kusaidia wanavijiji kuvuna na kulima, na kushughulishwa na kazi nyingine za kijamii? Serikali haitakuwa na haja tena ya kuajiri watu wengi kufanya baadhi ya kazi zinazohitaji nguvu nyingi kwani zitashughulikuwa na wafungwa. Tayari, si wanalishwa na kodi zetu? Basi watumiwe ipasavyo katika jamii ambayo inawalisha. Moja, watajifunza mbinu mbadala za kuendesha maisha yao. Pili, watasaidia kujenga jamii badala ya kuendelea kuiharibu kwa matendo yao maovu.

Mwisho, tusikae hapa na kujazana ujinga. Eti jicho kwa jicho, jino kwa jino ndio suluhisho la uhalifu. Sote tutaishia kuwa chongo au vibogoyo. Sasa sijui nani atamwongoza nani baada ya hapo. Wadau wa kwenye vyombo vya habari wajue kwamba wao wana nafasi kubwa sana katika kukemea na kusaidia kutokomeza huu unyama wa baadhi ya manduli wachache katika jamii yetu.

Pia tusisahau kuwa, hata tukichomana moto kila siku, kama hali ya maisha ni ngumu, ni ngumu tu. Na watu watafanya vyovyote kukidhi mahitaji yao; hapo ndipo viongozi wa maisha bora kwa kila Mtanzania inabidi waulizwe, kulikoni? Hivyo, wachochezi wote wa huu unyama, wananchi wenye roho za kikatili za namna hii na viongozi mafisadi wanao sababisha hali ya Mtanzania kuzidi kuwa ngumu, wote ni makunyata!

Vijana wenzangu, hatuwezi kuendelea kufanyiana ukatili kama huu sisi wenyewe kwa wenyewe. Tuelewe kuwa umasikini wetu unasababishwa na mafisadi wachache walio juu… Hao ndio maadui zetu wakubwa.


VIJANA FM